The Privatization of Family Living That Accompanied Industrialization Resulted in
Affiliate 2 CHAPTER OUTLINE:
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE Family unit
Contemporary families are irresolute in ways that propose to some that the family is in decline. Nonetheless popular notions are based on misconceptions of how families lived in the past. Baca Zinn and Eitzen show how social forces and macro structures impact families and crusade them to change over fourth dimension. Today we will examine White families in the premodern catamenia (from the early 1600�due south to 1800) and the period of transformation to the modern family (1800-1850)
I. FAMILY LIFE IN COLONIAL AMERICA Relationships of White colonial families to the larger society produced unique patterns that can be assorted with family life in later periods. A. Macro Structural Conditions and Family Life Family life in the colonial U.Due south. was characterized by a style of production called the family-based economic system. All family unit members worked at productive tasks differentiated by sexual practice and age. No sharp distinction was made between family and society. In addition to its economical chore, the family performed many functions that have since been taken over past specialized institutions. Family unit matters were not considered private; instead, intervention by community members and the state was mutual.
B. Family unit Structure and Household Composition Common wisdom in one case held that nuclear families emerged as a response to industrial society. But historians and sociologists, using the family reconstitution method, have found that colonial families were typically nuclear in construction. Families tended to exist larger than contemporary families, but smaller than the stereotypical portrayal.
C. Wives and Husbands In the early colonial menstruum, marriages were bundled based on the social and economical purposes of larger kin groups. Romantic beloved was not wholly absent-minded, only marriage was more of a contractual agreement based upon a specific and abrupt gender-based division of labor. A shortage of women in this menstruum enhanced the status of women, but despite this, wives were unquestionably subordinate to their husbands.
D. Children Families of the premodern menses reared large numbers of children, but household size was non very large because childbearing extended over a long bridge of years. Children�s religious grooming was intensive and discipline severe. Babyhood was recognized as a separate stage of development, and children, like spouses, were viewed in economic terms. Social class and regional differences, yet, are responsible for some variation in the lives of children.
Two. THE EMERGENCE OF Modernistic FAMILY LIFE
Modern family life began to emerge at he cease of the eighteenth century and the outset of the nineteenth. The rise of the modern family accompanied the move of productive work from the household to other settings. Households became smaller, more individual, and families became arcadian.
A. Macro Structural Changes and Family Life The main reason for changes in family patterns was industrialization. Employment in or almost the abode declined and was replaced by work in factories and shops. The flow of the family unit-wage economy began. No longer the eye of product, families took on highly specialized functions of procreation, consumption, and child-rearing. The privatization of family living meant that individuals were less answerable to their communities for their behavior in families.
B. Agency, Adaptation, and Modify While family modify has been presented as tied to macro social and economic change, two additional themes are important: individuals were not passive victims of change; and family arrangements shaped the emerging social order.
1. Responses to the Dilemma of Failing Land Families adapted the inheritance system to remainder family desires with rapid population growth and industrialization.
2. How Families Shaped Society The family unit played an important function in gild�s adaptation to industrialization past extended family business relationships and family alliances.
C. Household Structure and Household Size Transition to a wage economy facilitated smaller households by removing apprentices, artisans, boarders and lodgers. Servants were also less probable to be household members, except in upper- and middle - class families.
D. Wives and Husbands Romantic dear and mutual affection replaced economic considerations in choosing marital partners. With industrialization, product was transferred outside the family and activities split into the male world of piece of work and the female globe of the family. Working-class women continued their productive roles in the industrial labor force.
E. Children Attitudes nigh both children and child rearing practices changed at this time. Children came to be viewed every bit unlike than adult: innocent, and with special needs. Children�southward experiences were adamant largely by the class and status o the family into which they were built-in. The privatization of families meat that children were brought upwards solely by parents.
F. Challenging a Singular Definition of the Family The modern family form emerged as a race-specific and class-specific arrangement. Yet a uniform image of family has dominated the public memory and has established that form as normative for all families.
PRACTICE EXAM QUESTIONS:
Hareven'due south research on patterns in family history has concluded that a. families are passive victims of social change. b. customs involvement is rare among early colonial families. c. in that location is non a continuous linear pattern of change among all families toward a more modernistic level. d. all immigrant groups take similar patterns of adjusting to family life in the U.S. The research technique that brings together scattered information most family members in successive generations is referred to as a. family unit revisionism. b. aggregate data analysis. c. family genealogy. d. family reconstitution. All of the following were functional roles of the colonial family unit EXCEPT a. family as school. b. family as church. c. family as encumbrance. d. family every bit house of correction. Which of the following characterizes marriage in the colonail period of U.S. history? a. Romantic love was the basis of the marriage relationship. b. Conclusion making was largely shared past the married man and the wife. c. Spousal relationship was primarily an economic union. d. Incompatibility and lack of amore were viewed as grounds for divorce. The term primogeniture refers to a. the likelihood that children from more than than one marital marriage would be cohabitating in the same household. b. the public chastising of wayward individuals. c. the transfer of the family unit state to the oldest son. d. none of the above. The privatization of family unit living that accompanied industrialization resulted in a. family unit activities being less observable to the larger community. b. a decline in external social command over family behavior. c. the fostering of an ethic of individual rights. d. all of the above. Which of the post-obit is Not one of the effects of industrialization on middle-class women'southward roles? a. Women became the moral guardians of the home. b. Married women increased their participation in the public sphere. c. Caretaking and nurturing became master roles. d. Women's and men'south roles overlapped far less than in the preindustrial U.S. Which of the following describes the status of women in oclonial and emerging mod families? a. During the colonial menstruation wives were subordinate to husbands but every bit teh modern family emerged, relations became egalitarian. b. During the colonial period spousal relations were egalitarian but women were subordinated with the emergence of the modern family. c. During both periods relations were patriarchal, with wives subordinate to their husbands. d. None of the above.
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